Gerrit Smith Esqr. Peterborough. Madison County New-York Washington 5. April 1837. Dear Sir. Your Letter of the 3d. of February last enclosed with two Petitions for the abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia was received by me on the 9th of that month, in the midst of my trials of which and of its event, I trust you have seen some account in the public journals. It is my first duty, to return my thanks to you, and to the Petitioners, for the confidence with which the honoured me by the request that I would present their Petitions - a trust which I regret to inform you that it has not been in my power to fulfil. Petitions for the abolition of Slavery were visitors so unwelcome to a very large majority of the late House of Representatives of the United States that for the last four weeks of the session, they disregarded all the Rules of the House relating to the reception of Petitions, for the express purpose of excluding them, and at the expiration of the Congress, I was left with your two petitions, and one hundred and fifty others, signed by about twelve thousand names, on my hands, which I had repeatedly [inserted: been] refused by the house the permission to present. The condition of the African race in this Union has ever been to me a subject of deep concern - You are aware that I have never favoured the prayer of Petitions from the States for the abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia - not but that I have felt all anxious with [2] that Slavery might be abolished, not only in the District of Columbia, but throughout the Union and throughout the world - But I long indulged the hope that the States of Maryland and Virginia from which the District was taken, would get the example of abolishing Slavery within themselves - That the inhabitants of the District themselves would become Petitioners for relief from this burden, and that the emancipation of the slaves would be effected silently and without convulsions - I thought the harmony, and perhaps the Peace of the Union would be greatly disturbed, if Congress should take the lead in this process of emancipation; and that it would be nationally and easily accomplished by the regular and irresistible progress of public opinion, without any agency of Congress until it should be called for by the People of the District, upon whom exclusively the Legislation of Congress in this case would directly bear - Considering Congress in the light of [inserted: a] local Legislature over the District of Columbia, although the People of the District were not even represented in the body, the duty of every member of both Houses was to act upon every measure bearing only upon the District, as he would act if elected by their votes; and without doubting the right of Congress to abolish Slavery in the District, or the right of every Citizen of the United States to Petition Congress to exercise that right, I was of opinion that it ought not to be exercised without the most scrupulous regard, not only to the interests of the People of the District, but to their rights as understood by themselves or the great majority of them - nor yet without the concurrent movement of emancipation in the bordering states of Virginia and Maryland - I still retain those opinion, although I have been constrained to abandon the hope that the States of Maryland or [3] Virginia, will ever voluntarily [struck: abandon] [inserted: surrender] their worship of the Moloch of Slavery - This loss of a cherished hope however has only brought the question of abolition in the District, by the Legislation of Congress in more fearful aspect before me - I see the whole slave representation in both Houses of Congress, and nearly the whole People of the District, arrayed against it, and furious against any man whom they imargine ever to favour it - I see all the individual ambition in all the free States, enlisted against it - I see a native of New York, elected President of the United States by slave representation, proclaiming as his only fundamental maxim of policy, that he would pronounce his Constitutional negative, in defiance of majorities in both houses of Congress, upon any supposable act for the abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia - A pledge which I do him no injustice in believing he would not have given, had he foresaw the possibility of a call to redeem it - and further, that he would not redeem it if the call should come - The pledge therefore in itself is nothing. But as a pledge of Policy - as a neadle pointing to the Polar Star of present public opinion - as a measure of Northern servility to southern servitude, it is everything - Nor is this subserviency confined to the Northern democracy, the pillars of the Palace - It pervades all the political parties, and their leaders; and especially every aspirant to the Office of President, Vice President, Chief Justice, or Speaker of the House of Representatives of the United States - Every one of those offices is now held by the tenure of Anti abolition opinions; and it is well known that no man holding or even suspected of holding the adverse opinions will henceforth ever attain either of those stations - The People of the free States are spell-bound by the Talisman of Ambition to sustain the Slavery of South, and Ambition is the most heartless of human passions. [4] The abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia, I believe is viewed, by the abolitionists themselves, as well as by their opponents, as a mere stepping stone to that of Slavery in the States - Yet none of the Petitions have claimed the right of interference with the institution in the States - Most of them explicitly disclaim all such right - But if they have no right to interfere directly with it in the States, can they expect that Congress will interfere with it indirectly by a measure so decisive as the abolition of the whole system over that portion of the People of the two States, which the Union accepted encumbered with that burden of Slavery without them stipulating that it should be abolished, as had been done in the organization of the North western territory? But the subject is too copious - It would require a pamphlet to explain in all their developments my objections to the immediate abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia, by Act of Congress and after all, I cannot flatter myself that my reasons would prove satisfactory to you. Let me rather add to my thanks for your kind Letter the assurance of the pleasure with which I have read, your printed Letter to the Revd. James Smylie; of my general concurrence with its opinions, and my admiration of the argument against his sophistications of the holy scriptures to devine sanctions of slavery from them - Noah's curse upon Ham, is the most plausible authority for Slavery that I can find in the Bible, and if Mr Smylie can prove that this curse survived the proclamation of Glory to God in the highest, and on Earth Peace Good will to men, by the multitude of the Heavenly host, at the birth of the babe when the shepherds found lying in the manger, I may then enquire whether it has not since that time been abolished - Till then, believe me with great respect and sympathy your friend and fellow Servant John Quincy Adams.